Augustus Caesar History

Augustus and the Augustan Age. The name Augustus was given the honorary title by the Roman Emperor Gaius Julius Octavius, or, as was originally expected, Gaius Octavius. This totle was destined to be hereditary in his family, but all successful Caesars or emperors of Rome continued to take long after it ceased to be connected to the first blood of Augustus. The age of Augustus, formed an era in the illustrious history of Rome, and was distinguished for his achievements in the arts and splendid arms, and especially in literature. The Romans in later times became the era of Augustus with great pleasure, as the wealthiest and most distinguished in its annals. The name of the "Augustan Age" has been especially applied in modern times, and with the same title has been given, rightly, more or less at certain times of modern history as the highest praise for his glory. The reign of Louis XIV. is called the Augustan age of France, the reign of Anne, the Augustan age of England.

Gaius Octavius was the son of a Roman noble of the same name, the plebeian order. The father had married Atia, the daughter of Julia, sister of the big C. Julius Caesar, who was consequently the uncle of young Octavian. Caesar, the dictator, not having his child, he became interested in this young man, took him to be enrolled among the patricians, and raised him with a view to the highest honors of the Republic. Now in its eighteenth year, had chosen him for his "master of the horse", but it was a merely nominal distinction. The boy was sent to continue their education in the field of Apollonia in Illyria, where, at age nineteen, he learned of the murder of his relative Grande (44 BC). He had already become a favorite of the soldiers, who offered to accompany him to Rome, and follow his fortunes. But he refused, and crossed alone to Italy. On landing he learned that Caesar had made him his heir and adopted in the Julian gens, which acquired the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavianus. Inheritance was a dangerous and his mother and others have been deterred from accepting, but he, confident in their abilities, said while going to assume its obligations and perform the sums left by the dictator to the Roman people. M. Antonio had seized documents of Caesar and effects, and made light of the claims of his young nephew. The liberators paid him little sense, and dispersed to their respective provinces. Cicero, charm by the attitude of Antonio, the hope of using him and flattered to the utmost, with the expectation, however, get rid of it as soon as it had served its purpose. Octavian behaved with consummate skill, making use of all competitors for power, but none help. Considerable forces attached to it. The Senate, when armed consuls against Antonio, he called for assistance, and took part in the campaign that was defeated in Mutina Antonio, but both the consuls, Pansa Hirtius and dead. Octavian's soldiers demanded the consulate for him and the Senate, although now much alarmed, could not prevent his election. Now they made a cross with Antonio, who quickly jumped on "the power of the Republican Party in its strength, Cisalpine provinces, with the death of Decimus Brutus, the ablest of the liberators. Then Octavian and Antony, Lepidus taking into union with them, met in the river near Bononia Rhenus, and proclaimed themselves a triumvirate to rebuild the republic. They divided the western provinces, including celebrated the east of the Republic of M. Brutus and Cassius. A list of proscribed citizens, entered Rome together, and caused the murder of three hundred senators and two thousand knights. It seized the territories of several Italian cities, and divided them among his soldiers. Cicero was murdered in the demand for Antonio. The rest of the Republican Party took refuge along with Brutus and Cassius in the East, or with Sextus Pompey, who had become master of the seas.

Octavian and Antony crossed the Adriatic in 42 BC to reduce the last defenders of the republic. Brutus and Cassius were defeated, and fell at the battle of Philippi. Soon war broke out between the victors, the main incident of which was the siege and capture by the hunger of Perugia, and the slaughter of hundreds of his three alleged supporters of the young Caesar on the altar of his uncle. But peace was again among the. Octavis Antonius married the sister of his Raval, and took upon itself the eastern half of the empire, leaving the west to Caesar. Lepidus was reduced only to the provinces of Africa. Meanwhile Sextus Pompeius became formidable to cut the grain supply of Rome. The triumvirate were forced to agree with the islands in the western Mediterranean. But Octavian could not allow the capital to be kept on the alert for their livelihood. He picked a fight with Sextus, and when his colleagues do not support, vowed to attack himself. Antonio, in fact, came at last to his aid, in exchange for military assistance in the campaign that ushered in the East. But Ocatvianus was well served by the fleet commander, M. Vipsanius Agrippa. Sixth was completely defeated, and taken to Asia, where he died shortly after. Lepidus was an object of scorn to all parties, and Octavian and Antony is fighting for supreme power.

Antonio's alliance with Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, the Romans alienated him. Now gladly accepted Caesar's heir, as the true successor of the most illustrious heroes. It was considered almost universally to the rule need only one head, and the rest can not be insured by the sovereignty of the head of their armies. The Battle of Actium, followed by the death of Antonio, the 31 a. C., presented the winner of a universal empire. However, Octavian did not rush to assume his position. It was first regulated the affairs of Egypt, that place. It was first regulated the affairs of Egypt, annexed to the Roman dominions, then took some time in Greece, and entered a fifth of the consulate of large sums of money that had accumulated between the people and the soldiers, while reassuring the pride of the nobles, while maintaining unchanged the outward show of republican government. Of his personal history of this period is little to say. He continued to reside mostly in Rome and in the vicinity, making an expedition in Spain, 27 BC, and a tour of Greece at 21, at which time he advanced into Syria, and received new rules adopted by Crassus deliveries. In 16 B.C. went to Gaul to regulate the affairs of that province, and the expedition he repeated, 9 a. C. But thereafter trusted to defend the position of his lieutenants, and more particularly to the young princes of their own family. The empire continued to enjoy the deep inner peace. More of a plot was formed against the head of state by the discontented nobility, but these were found not found favor with people in general, could afford to deal with a gesture of clemency, which appears to have obtained it any other attempt. The serenity and placability he demonstrated in his later years is a stark contrast to his jealousy and ferocity in an earlier period, and character of the emperor Caesar Augustus, has been a problem for historians accordingly. The emperor's life was extended until 14 AD He died at Nola, in his seventy-five years after holding the supreme power in the state for almost half a century.

During the intervening years between his acceptance of the inheritance of Caesar, and his attainment of undivided sovereignty of Caesar, the young challenger had been meditating on how to ensure the maintenance of his power. At first excited by fear for his own personal safety, and urged examples of party leaders around him, and others who had gone before him, he plunged into a career of more bloodshed, and he unscrupulous man cut all audiences whose principles and whose passions that might have cause for apprehension. A large proportion, perhaps, of the senators and nobles had perished in the proscription and the bloody wars of the triumvirate. Still can not wait germs or republican sentiment would never be totally eradicated. The sense of patriotism and interest it would not increase to the enemies of the sovereign ruler of the Roman Republic. The conqueror first object was to protect himself by force of arms on her side to calm the passions of the class whose resentment he had more cause of fear and after lifting another class in direct solidarity with him to balance the power that the former will necessarily be kept in a well-ordered government. Went to the achievement of these three objects that Octavian led his community organizing.

The powers of the imperator or commander of the Roman army left his return to the city. Then it became once again an ordinary citizen. If war came again to look for his re-election at the helm of the usual ways. Caesar had confided to his countrymen so far. He asserted that as the title of imperator in perpetuity. With this title the prefix of his name, he is still commander of the legions, either in town or in the provinces. With this power to his successor did not dare do without. On arrival at Rome from the East at a time that requires the Senate to give him, like his uncle before him, but he only wanted to ask for a limited period of five years. At the expiration of that period, however, took over and again, though only once a year every yen, but never actually leave until the end of his career. Thus given the authority to command all the power of the state in chief, one of the officers who served under his command became simply his lieutenants. If you achieve victory, triumphal honors were received and forth imperator ", under whose auspices" who were reputed to have served. It follows that all provinces in the border or in the armies that remained were placed under the direct authority of the emperor, while, to central and peaceful empire were handed over to the Government in the Senate. The imperial provinces were administered by the legati Caesaris, Sen. proconsuls.

The person of the emperor could be obtained to the power of the sword could tell. But HW was anxious that the source of this power should not be too obvious. Caesar II has sought to maintain at least the appearance of government by the constitutional powers of the Republic. The Senate had been virtually the power of decision, to the extent that there was actually controlled by the captains of the legions. It degrades in his own estimation, or in the estimation of people, beyond that, at least, which may be necessary for its main object. He made himself to be appointed censor, not one but five years in order to give full time to review the list of senators to fill the terrible gaps in the ranks of the old nobility, and to expel those members , and many who were, who seemed unworthy of her foreign birth, low birth, its limited resources, or your temper, have a place in this August assembly. The irregularities of the time now expects to close its banks had filled with characters who breaks the order into the eyes of genuine citizens. The noble and good citizens in general, welcomed this review with deep satisfaction. In line with national tastes, as well as historical traditions. Of individual grievances which led, it was an act of personal danger to the censor, but the danger was more than offset by the popularity of that person, which was strengthened the most by the liberality with which they are expected to increase some of poor but honest members of the order of the rule of property that is now required of them.

The emperor took the lead in this reconstituted body, upon taking office and the title of Princeps Senatus. The office was in fact little more than nominal, it gave the right to propose measures and to speak first in the highest legislative assembly of the state, and born in the early days by some of the most distinguished patriots Romans, who carried the respect and affection of the people. The owner gave priority was the most valuable, as it may be granted without shame by the strongest Republican in the Senate. But it was the consul who was practically the main authority in the assembly. Octavio had been five times consul, and he shrugged his seizure in perpetuity a position that, according to Roman ideas, differ in any royalty, except that it was elective, and that merely possessing a single year . However, he could not afford to give the citizen to whom the people could at any time elect to bypass or to compete with it. What should you do? they took what was undoubtedly a bold step. It was an innovation manifested in the forms of a free state when citizens are required of the perpetual "potestas" or the power of the consulate, at the same time resigned itself and underwent consuls to be elected annually sit, one on each side of him in the Senate. The power he gave it to him the head of state, both legislative and executive departments. When he left the city carrying with him an authority proconsular provinces, and became for all purposes, the king of the life of the Romans and their subjects. Even in the senatorial provinces was already recognized as supreme, and it did well was that it focused all the political assemblies of the Roman magnates.

But the emperor did not limit its vision to become the head of the nobles. It was the cautious one state to closely associate with no less than the opposing faction, under the name of the commoners, had aimed to secure the cooperation of coordinating with the patricians. The original meaning of these names had been long lost. The plebeians could boast of many eminent families, both honors and possessions as their haughty rivals. Step by step, who had won a share equal political privileges with them. But the kind that still bore the title of the crowd was much more widespread, and embraced the great mass of the gentlemen and businessmen in the city, and also the public established by the provinces. This huge class had argued over a century with the nobles of the perks of office, and had armed their mutual rivalry against Marius and Sulla Caesar against Pompey. Caesar's heir and inherited the favor of the plebeians, and was intended to reward for patronage. Commoners were electro to still stands, and still considers the stands as their protectors against abuse of the patricians represented by the Senate. The stands had proved most useful allies to Caesar, and could line up again in support of the true heir to his principles. The emperor's proposal to balance the consular power, assuming a power while also tribune. Thus endowed himself with the authority of the tribune for life, and assured the common property of the city and the empire that would in any exercise of the veto formidable in the procedure of the consuls, who had served him so well until recently. Thus he became emperor of the city and the army commander in the field and in the provinces.

There was still another sovereign authority in the State, namely, that the Supreme Pontiff exercises on matters of religion. As much as the religious sentiment was weak throughout the Roman world, superstition, there was still enough left to give the citizens a great influence and sometimes overwhelming on the legitimate interpreter of divine things to the nation . The Senate has exercised this power to great effect, while the appointment to the head of the papacy fell to the patrician curiae. In recent years, however, important that dignity had been opened to public spaces as well. Octavio was very happy to accept that the appointment of all the people combined. Allowed, in fact, his former colleague Lepidus keep unmolested during his life but his death he assumed the exalted position that would hesitate to entrust to anyone else. With this latest addition to its prerogatives of the emperor could be contained. The name of the king who had the first rejection. The office of dictator came too near to that of a king to be acceptable to a ruler, who studied to be confined within the limits of the Republican Constitution. However, it still lacked some general appellation that could be reflected in a single word of the dignity and power resulting from the combination of many honors and privileges. The Emperor was first proposed, it is said, to assume the name of Romulus, but Romulus had been a king and also Romulus had been destroyed, according to tradition, by the Senate, as Caesar had been in later times . These associations were ominous. At last he fixed in the epithet of Augustus, a name that nobody had been before and that, conversely, had been applied to things nobler, more venerable, more sacred. The rites of the gods were called August, temples were August. The word itself is derived from the omens saints, but it was connected in the sense of authority abstract term, and everything that grows and flourishes on earth. Use of this glorious title could not help pave the way for general acceptance of the divine nature of mortals to be considered worthy of support. The Senate had decreed the divinity of Caesar gone, the courtiers were beginning now to suggest that his successor, while still alive, enjoyed an emanation of the deity, the poets were even suggesting that altars should be raised to him, and in the provinces, raised the issues of him, and in the provinces, among the subjects of the state, at least, the temples of his divinity were increasing, and the cult of Augustus was beginning to assume a name, a ritual, and a priesthood.

Augustus, as we now call it, seen it all with secret satisfaction. It was one of his first objects, in fact, to restore the exterior, at least the fear of God, and restore the old Roman religion in its strong political base. It was easy to reconstruct, or cause to be reconstructed, the temples fallen into ruinous state or national gods. Nobles paid his court to his teacher by seconding their efforts in this direction. The Pantheon, the temple of the gods, if that was their original destination, it is still a monument to the generosity of his minister Agrippa, but Virgil assure us that no less than three hundred "large" temples were erected throughout the city . Perhaps, indeed, these were mostly the sacella or chapels, of the Lares, which are placed on street corners. Augustus took the sentiment of Poep at a favorable moment. They were tired of all the misery of civil wars, they were ashamed of the crimes for which the nation was more or less responsible, willing to undertake any scheme of atonement and reparation should be offered to them, and provide their hands-on restoration material at least the outward appearance of penance for sin, and gratitude for the mercy granted them. There can be no doubt that the conscience of the nation awoke to a sense of divine retribution on those who had suffered, but had been prevented by order under the blessed influence of the ruler who in the last election. The Romans had not lost his faith in Divine Providence, that oppressed them with anxiety and terror, little that connected with a sense of moral duty.

The spirit of materialist philosophy, however, has been widespread among them, and during the last century anti-religious dogmas of Epicurus had undermined the belief in education and literature classes. The young patricians of Rome had been trained in the schools of Greece, especially in Athens, or have been subjected to the teaching of Greek language instruction at home, and three competing schools, the Stoics, Epicureans and academics The second was that he had been by far the largest number of disciples. The men of speculative books may be of general academics, and claim its noblest Cicero as a leader, the men of imagination and deep religious fervor could go on, with Cato and Brutus, the teaching of the Stoics, but practical men , men of arts and arms, and enterprises, whether they adhered to no school of thought for all, were almost all, like Caesar and his associates generally addicted to the moral precepts of easy and even more lax Epicurus. This philosophy is characterized by its absolute denial of Providence and, for all practical objects of divinity at all. None of these rival systems, whatever degree of good sense and reason could involve, respectively, may sanction any real belief in the mythology remains in force the national cult, which was attacked and ridiculed by all sides. However, such was the Roman people's stubborn adherence to their old ways, especially when they had some relation with national policy, that the outward ritual of his religion was still maintained, though a mere shadow of its former content. Statesmen, in fact, had invested a formula to reconcile their actual disbelief in the occupation of its exterior. Varro had said the ruling was favorable and accepted, that the old beliefs were to be defended as a matter of public policy. Such as doubt, was the principle on which Augustus, who was himself, neither a believer nor a philosopher, but a political one, he proceeded, when he assumed the role of a restorer of the national religion. He played with great sagacity, a vibrating string in the hearts of the people, who firmly believes that the destiny of the city were linked with due observance of the ancient rites, and statesmen looked decent acquiescence in the exhibitions and ceremonies to which they attached no importance whatever.

The world "up his face to the expression assumed by the king." Such was the aphorism that the man in the world, and in this particular Augustus was actually a king. The Romans came forward on the path marked for them. His word dictated the fashions of the day, ITV, in a sense, but in many aspects of external behavior. He was anxious to restore the dignity of a Roman citizen often eh, as one of the conquering race, who ruled his subjects, both for the prestige of his character and his arms, and bothered him throughout the relaxation of discipline of the Puritan old, even the minor matters of dress and behavior. He registered his disgust at the degenerate Roman Emperor who gave their hair loose in Greece. "Are these" he exclaimed, in the language of Virgil, "The rulers of the world, the nation of the gown?" And to maintain the high distinction of Roman citizenship in a period when the provincials of all parts thronged him, backed down, in this case only, the policy of Caesar, and was very sparing in granting access to Roman franchise. It was, in fact, very careful in balancing the tendency of the age to fusion in general and privileges of caste and the ancient spirit of exclusion, which thought that the force of the Republic is still really deposited. The policy of Augustus was one, overall, warnings and the moderate reaction. He made an effort to suspend the process of disintegration, and found throughout the rite of the vital forces of the empire. The anarchy of their own usurpation, in fact, combined with the gross selfishness of his personal character to sap the morals of society, and make its final dissolution inevitable, but made a vigorous effort to stem the tide, and got Roman world to a period of rest in the downward trend which was generally pursued.

The character of the period, however, as a rest period for reflection and self-control, was mainly marked in the literature, more than anything, has helped to give the name of the Augustan Age. The religious feeling that has been described, resting as it did in a deep sympathy with the historical antiquity, tempered by a bold and vigorous imagination, is reflected in the poetry of Virgil, and more specifically in the spirit of his great epic, the Aeneid. Undoubtedly, both in depth and tenderness of feeling can be traced even in the Eclogues of the same master, however slight that most of his subjects, and by imitation of their treatment. The Georgics we have the characteristics most serious and dignified, and although these pieces are aimed principally at the hands-on practical operations, your moral support, and religious coloration. Recall that the Roman reader to the moral foundations of national character, its simplicity, truth, love for nature, his devotion to duty, his conviction that the industry is the designated route to virtue and honor. But this short is elevated by a moral sense of the divine in man and around him. The Roman farmer breed of heroes, do not forget that suffering is a God and Providence, or the favor of divine power has always fallen on the worker and the virtuous. "So cold Etruria, and Rome in later times, waxes illustrious and powerful, so the city of seven hills became the most beautiful object in creation." The Georgics are certainly encouraged by a religious feeling, and denote the high religious purpose of its author. However, in the Aeneid of religious feeling and the end are even more clearly proclaimed to us. The great epic of Virgil, the national epic of the Roman people, glorifies God's providence, who founded Rome in the beginning, and carried through all his success to the reporting of their greatness in an era begins with Augustus.It Aeneas the divine, and leads us to the divine Caesar. The greatness and the weakness of the hero of the poem also tend to end it, the example of Providence, which has educated the power of weakness, and annulled all for the glory of the Roman people. The lesson that emerges from the story of Aeneas is too clear to any Roman error. The deity that protects Rome is the Lord of heaven and earth and all that is the same. There is no God or Lord, as he did. Blessed are the Romans who have this Lord for their God. The majesty of the Roman Empire, now singing at the top of their progress, is the immediate outflow of this sovereign power, and one is forever linked with the other. If such a doctrine was sung by Virgil, probably could not be more grateful to Augustus, the sovereign ruler of an empire as guided and protected.

The names of Virgil and Horace are familiarly united in each revision of the reign of Augustus, though no two men may be more in contrast with others in their personal, within the scope of his writings, and the influence that exercise, respectively, over their contemporaries. Horance, as is well known, was a Republican in her youth, had espoused the cause of Brutus and Cassius, and while still a student in the schools of Athens, had obtained a post in his army. He fought in person at the battle of Philippi, and, as he says himself, threw his arms in the form of fast flying swords of caesarean sections, from then renounced the lost cause, and obtained, perhaps without seeking the advice of the Minister of Maecenas, which was taken for and introduced to Augustus. However it may be pleasing to his character and habits, it is unlikely that the political usurper would distinguish a mere upstart with the entrance of their society, without at least tacitly demanding some return. The nature of the compositions of this poet, both in his lyrics and his satires and epistles, it seems quite clear to betray the inspiration of the emperor and his wily associates. The most lively and imaginative of his pieces are almost always occupied in sounding the praises of Caesar and his family. When it descends from its highest flight of poetry, the art is nice for his muse in the delicate flattery of Maecenas and other magnates of the court.